By David Rich Lewis
Throughout the 19th century, americans seemed to the eventual civilization and assimilation of local americans via a strategy of elimination, reservation, and directed tradition swap. regulations for directed subsistence switch and incorporation had far-reaching social and environmental outcomes for local peoples and local lands. This examine explores the reviews of 3 groups--Northern Utes, Hupas, and Tohono O'odhams--with settled reservation and disbursed agriculture within the 19th and 20th centuries. every one staff inhabited a special surroundings, and their cultural traditions mirrored designated subsistence variations to existence within the western usa. each one skilled the total weight of federal agrarian coverage but answered in a different way, in culturally constant methods, to subsistence swap and the ensuing social and environmental results. makes an attempt to set up winning agricultural economies finally failed as every one staff reproduced their very own cultural values in a decreased and quickly altering setting. after all, such rules and agrarian reports left Indian farmers marginally integrated and economically established.
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Throughout the 19th century, americans regarded to the eventual civilization and assimilation of local americans via a strategy of removing, reservation, and directed tradition switch. regulations for directed subsistence swap and incorporation had far-reaching social and environmental outcomes for local peoples and local lands.
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Additional info for Neither Wolf Nor Dog: American Indians, Environment, and Agrarian Change
After this council, each nation chose a new home particularly suited to their needs—Hawk and Eagle (KwanutcK) took the rocks and craggy peaks, while Duck (CheegucK) chose the marshes; Badger (Oonahpooch) chose a warm burrow and Bear (Kweeyagu:t) a sheltered cave; Wolf and Buffalo (Tawooch) took the open plains and Deer (Teeetch} the forests. As they separated they began to speak different languages, and their children soon forgot that all nations once spoke the same language. 5 The topographic and biotic environment of Ute territory is extremely diverse, incorporating the dry expanses of the Great Basin and the high alpine reaches of the Rocky Mountains.
The land is both stark and lush, monotonous and breathtaking. The ecological wealth of this region lies in its diversity of species, which, given the recurrent pattern of basin and range, results in numerous biotic communities of similar resources scattered irregularly throughout the region. Latitude, elevation, and exposure influence the local biota, but water—plentiful in some areas, seasonally scarce in others—is the key to life in this arid landscape. 6 In the west, steep, sparsely wooded mountains sweep down into broad arid valleys, then rise again, repeating a basin and range topography.
Chokecherries (Prunus), molded and dried into round cakes for winter use, were a particularly important fruit resource. Women gathered numerous roots, including yampa (Perideridia), camas (Camassia), sego lily (Calochortus'), tule, valerian, and yucca, as well as seasonal greens and thistles, cactus leaves and fruit, and some acorns. Women also collected and processed vegetal fibers for baskets, cordage, and clothing. 16 While Utes consumed a broad range of flora and fauna, they did not domesticate these species nor did they eat everything available to them.