By Émile Durkheim
"Traiter les faits sociaux comme des choses" et poser les fondements d'une nouvelle technological know-how de los angeles société qui, sur le modèle des sciences expérimentales, permette de mieux los angeles décrire et l'expliquer : tel est le projet d'Emile Durkheim lorsqu'il publie Les Règles de l. a. méthode sociologique, en 1895. Refusant l'explication du fait social par le biologique, los angeles confusion de los angeles sociologie avec l. a. psychologie, théorisant l'influence du milieu social sur les individus, posant une série de règles méthodologiques parfois d'apparence très abstraite, ce texte fut un véritable défi lancé par Durkheim à ses contemporains. Pourquoi, cependant, et remark lire encore ce grand classique aujourd'hui ? C'est los angeles query à laquelle répond Laurent Mucchielli dans l'introduction à cette nouvelle édition. Articulant de façon inédite les approches historique et sociologique, celle-ci s'adresse aussi bien aux historiens des sciences et des idées qu'aux enseignants et aux étudiants en sociologie. Cette nouvelle édition s'accompagne également d'un article de Durkheim contemporain des Règles ("L'état actuel des études sociologiques en France"), qui éclaire le contexte polémique dans lequel l'ouvrage fut écrit.
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Extra info for Les règles de la méthode sociologique
He referred there to art and to 'communal' relations, for example in marriage, in order to show that it was difficult, if not impossible, to classify them in terms of the means-ends schema. Art was, he claimed, not some goal being reached but rather the expression of evaluative attitudes. In marriage and in any 'community' there were, he continued, also no specified common goals, but rather common attitudes and unspecific interests; thus the partners' actions should be construed not as the pursuit of their own interests, but rather as the expression of an attitude of love or affection.
The debates on the accuracy of Parsons' interpretations of the two classical theorists of sociology most discussed today, namely Emile Durkheim and Max Weber, attracted most public attention. Given that Marshall and Pareto have played only a marginal role in debates on action theory since Parsons, there have been few critical investigations of Parsons' presentation of their thought. The few comments that have been made were generally sceptical of Parsons' purported exaggeration of the part played by consensus and order, pointing out that Pareto in particular, but also Marshall, both regarded conflict and inequality as important themes of their work.
It comes as no surprise that commentators have questioned the validity of this equation and attacked Parsons by pointing to the true complexity of the thought, for example, of David Hume, Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill and Herbert Spencer. These critics undoubtedly succeed in proving22 that all these authors by no means asserted that human wishes were exclusively presocial or egoistic in nature but had in fact, using a variety of different approaches, elaborated altruistic motives, sociable instincts and the ability to show sympathy as well as the social character and indispensability of norms.