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By Rudolf Braun

Industrialisation and lifestyle is largely considered as a vintage of recent social historical past, inspiring an entire sequence of profound debates in regards to the transition from preindustrial society to the trendy international. Charles Tilly lately wrote of this booklet that it used to be "the most vital untranslated paintings of social historical past to be released some time past generation." With the e-book of Sarah Hanbury-Tenison's translation, this hole within the social and cultural historiography of contemporary Europe is stuffed eventually. using facts from an upland Swiss canton, the writer presents a entire survey of the effect of the improvement of common cottage on renowned existence as land hungry employees extra fabric manufacture to their present agricultural matters. He analyzes the constitution of such "proto-industry," the adjustments wrought upon kinfolk lifestyles, family housing, and pop culture mostly. an exceptional number of literary and creative resources are drawn jointly in a brilliant portrayal of the ways that early business improvement and social modernization grew to become fused jointly.

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C. 71 Changes to the structure of family and population in the industrial regions In the last chapter we learnt about people who were ostensibly born into a peasant community and culture, but who remained in reality cut off and excluded from it. If we are to investigate the specifically folklorist question of how traditional ways of life and their manifestations in the popular culture of the Oberland changed with the advent of industrialisation, we must be fully aware that the innovations arose only partly out of a peasant world.

Jakob Wohlgemut has a further 'three small arable fields', but the whole family had to spin to make ends meet (Volketswil 1649). Not many of the alms recipients could keep a cow; Hans Halbherr, the cobbler (Hinwil 1660) 'has half a cottage and half a commoner's right, along with a hay meadow for one cow'. At his home, too, everyone was employed at spinning. Anna Hofmann 'has her own cottage, cabbage patch, hemp field and fodder for one cow'. But she had to pay interest on 25 Pfund yearly, as well as her ground rent.

Many features of the industry fitted in with the homesteaders' way of farming. Whereas the village farmer had to act within his farming collective and derived his security from it, the homesteader's working group had a far freer approach to production. To a certain extent he was an entrepreneur, with the entrepreneur's whole spiritual attitude to economic matters. The specific and practical feature of homestead farming - its greater independence, its ability to change and adapt - was attuned to the emphatically individual character of the homesteader.

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