Download Blacks, Latinos, and Asians in Urban America: Status and by James Jennings PDF

By James Jennings

This quantity of essays via students and activists makes a speciality of the political and social relatives among blacks, Latinos, and Asians in key city facilities. jointly, the essays learn the actual prestige of family among those teams, the explanations for clash or consensus, and the clients for destiny kinfolk. whereas a couple of towns are tested, the e-book specializes in l. a., Washington, D.C., and Miami as relatively instructive case reports. city eruptions in those towns are tested when it comes to the character of political relatives among blacks, Latinos, and Asians.

These essays supply analyses inside a sociohistorical context and provide the type of political activism that will make certain consensus, instead of clash, among those teams in city the USA. As Luis Fuentes observes, This publication can be learn by way of all activists and students attracted to altering the face of city and finally, nationwide the US; for if groups of colour can come jointly for innovative political motion, then it is going to basically be a question of time sooner than the USA ultimately starts off to seem like, and act like, what it's been preaching for generations.

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Additional info for Blacks, Latinos, and Asians in Urban America: Status and Prospects for Politics and Activism

Example text

S. Urban Politics nant criteria for national prestige, decision making, authority, and intellectual leadership. Ironically, because of the centrality of whiteness within the dominant national identity, Americans generally make few distinctions between “ethnicity” and “race,” and the two concepts are usually used interchangeably. Both the oppressors and those who are oppressed are therefore imprisoned by the closed dialectic race. “Black” and “white” are usually viewed as fixed, permanent, and often antagonistic social categories.

By contrast, the graduation rate for Latinos in 1989 was 56 percent. 8 percent, since such figures were first collected by the American Council on Education in 1972. In colleges and universities, the pattern of Latino inequality was the same. In 1991, 34 percent of all whites and 24 percent of all African Americans aged 18 to 24 were enrolled in college. Latino college enrollment for the same age group was barely 18 percent. As of 1992, approximately 22 percent of the non-Latino adult population in the United States possessed at least a fouryear college degree.

1 They argue that the dominant coalitions in these cities have diverse orientations toward minorities and their interests. They attempt a balanced approach using the characteristics of minority mobilization as well as the ideology and interests of the dominant coalition. The work of Browning et al. is especially significant because they attempt to move beyond minority mobilization to develop a theory of incorporation, which for them means achieving something more than getting elected. Minorities must become an integral part of a coalition, according to Browning, and the coalition must be dominant if the interests of minority groups are to influence policy.

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