By Marian Burchardt, Gal Kirn
This publication explores how alterations that happened round 1989 formed the learn of the social sciences, and scrutinizes the impression of the paradigm of neoliberalism in several disciplinary fields. The participants research the ways that capitalism has transmuted right into a possible unquestionable, effective framework that globally articulates economics with epistemology and social ontology. the quantity additionally investigates how new narratives of capitalism are being built via social scientists with a view to higher comprehend capitalism’s ramifications in a number of domain names of data. At its middle, Beyond Neoliberalism seeks to unpack and disaggregate neoliberalism, and to take readers past the analytical boundaries conventional framework of neoliberalism entails.
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Extra resources for Beyond Neoliberalism: Social Analysis after 1989
The concept of transitional temporality, as I will show in the second part, demands an additional theoretical elaboration that grasps the “post-” tendency as a dialectical movement which does not a priori embrace linear progression (or regression) as the natural movement of history. In the post-Yugoslav situation, the core of history was occupied by three different agents of “progress”: the free market, democracy, and the nation (with corresponding religions). Departing from my own Slovenian theoretical context, the most representative mainstream transition studies were conducted by a group of social scientists and published under collected volumes entitled Democratic Transition I, II (ed.
We must not forget the earlier periods of regions that now seem hopeless, whose better times have been forgotten by many observers as if their hopelessness were an intrinsic constitutive element of their cultures. Beneath today’s wars and dismembered societies in much of sub-Saharan Africa lies an earlier period of mass manufacturing, growth of the middle classes, growth of thriving market towns and capital cities, and governments developing infrastructures and health and school systems. Before it broke down, Somalia was a fairly prosperous society, a fairly well-run country even if autocratic, with a well-educated middle class.
In what follows, I propose to address these questions in two stages. First, I shall assess some widely cited hypotheses as to why the current political landscape deviates from Polanyi’s analysis. I shall then propose an alternative hypothesis, which in my view better illuminates our situation. This hypothesis requires that we revise Polanyi’s idea of a double movement in a way that better clarifies the prospects for emancipatory social transformation in the twenty-first century. A Failure of Leadership?